I am
neither a scholar nor a historian. The following are broad brush strokes of my
personal outlooks about the epoch I have lived in and strived. I leave the
descriptive details off events and facts to professional historians. The 1974
revolution that replaced the Imperial Regime and gave birth to an era of terror
and lawlessness, since then Ethiopian history has been subject to many
interpretations according to the ideological, political and personal persuasion
of the narrator. Although a lot of well researched
books and papers have been published by Ethiopian and foreign authors alike,
there is also a lot of writing that borders the surreal, particularly by
political bodies and their members. Assumptions, speculations, misquotations,
fabrications and exaggerations make
poor history.
In my
view Ethiopian history has changed by somersaults during the past nine decades,
especially after the Italian invasion of 1935. The post Minilik period was a
time of internal contentions, the Lij Yassu regency concluded with the crowning
of Empress Zewditu Minilik with the crown passing to Emperor Haile Sellassie on
her death. Thus began the embryonic modernization of Ethiopia’s polity with
Haile Sellassie pursuing Minilik’s policies, introducing a western education
systems and other modern reforms. A written Constitution was adopted, and
Ethiopia became a full-fledged member of the Society of Nations. The 1930
Constitution marked the beginning of a constitutional form of government and the
end of feudalism, which was abolished further by the Italian occupiers who
introduced a colonial system of governance. Although the occupation lasted only
turbulent five years, it changed radically all aspects of the Ethiopian way of
life. Primarily to consolidate their occupation and secure the future
development of the colony, the Italians built a network of roads and
infrastructures throughout the country. This factor revolutionized the
traditional political, social and economic structure of the nation, by
facilitating large population movements and commercial exchange amongst the
various provinces. A uniform system of governance was also introduced,
transforming radically the feudal relationship between the rulers and the
people.
The
post liberation era 1941/1973 was a time of reestablishing the state and keeping
the integrity of the nation. Thanks to the popularity of the Emperor and
patriots forces the country remained united. Starting with establishing a new
government administration the challenge was extremely onerous, there was no money but
a small loan granted by the British; there was no trained personnel but a
handful people with formal education; no equipment of any kind as the British
forces had taken away anything movable even office and household furniture; all
Italians were also evacuated, depriving us of some technical labor. In spite of
some difficulties created by the British in the early years, by 1960 the
government was firmly established. Organic Laws were codified, National Bank and
National Currency, Ethiopian Commercial Bank, Ethiopian Airline, Highway
Authority, Telecommunications’ Board and many other institutions and structural
changes were made. Eritrea was federate with the motherland and Ethiopia had
regained a direct access to the sea.
However, the political system did not evolve according to the innovations
the country underwent with its socio-economic development and its large exposure
to the world. Addis Ababa had become the HQ of the OAU, the ECA and of many
International organizations, increasing the country’s role in world affairs.
Nevertheless, domestically all powers remained centered with the Emperor, all
officials were by appointment and the Parliament although partially elected was
actually an advisory body with limited prerogatives. The Emperor, lulled by his
worldwide popularity was more focused on world affairs than those of the
interior. The first shock came in 1960 with the Mengistu Newaye attempted coup
d’etat, that culminated with the senseless murder of some of the most important
leaders whose voice influenced all Imperial decisions. Unfortunately, the Emperor nor his
government learned much from this tragic event, although the country was
fermenting with discontent from all classes of society and things went on as
usual. Triggered by the famine in Wollo this period climaxed with the 1974
revolution, spearheaded by students and joined by the military. To their credit
the Emperor and all high officials surrendered peacefully all powers to the
revolutionary. Although their peaceful surrender did not prevent their eventual
assassinations.
Thus,
began the Ethiopian tragic Odyssey. The revolution had started with a lot of
ignorance and good intentions by most of the student’s movements, slogans such
as “land to the tiller” had some popular appeal, although land ownership in
Shoa, Wollo, Begemdir, Tigray and Gojiam was communal, and it was a matter of
returning to the rest the ownership to the “tiller” that was already in place,
in his ancestral land. The actual intention was to disown the people of any
property, and have full control of the peasantry that consisted of eighty-five
percent of the population. The same goes to the campaign of “Idget Behibret”,
whereby high school teen agers were dispersed around the country to foster a
development nobody knew about including its authors. Again this was contrived to
break-up the student movement from growing into a political force on its own. It
was also a malefic program contrived to denigrate the middle class. Thus, a
whole generation of youngsters were thrown into an unplanned and disorganized
foray, where many were diseased, raped, maimed and perished.
The
revolution turned into a murderous struggle for power amongst the revolutionary
themselves, one faction allying themselves with the ignorant and uncouth
military subalterns and providing them with some half backed Marxist political
notions. Eventually, the military
took over all powers after a campaign of terror and mayhem in which thousands of
innocent young people lost their life; millions lost their livelihood, their
property and even a modicum of basic rights. The governance of the country fell
to a regime with no moral compulsion of any kind, but brute force and unbound
lawlessness. After seventeen years of misrule that destroyed and tainted the
historical and traditional values of Ethiopia, maligned its institutions and
cultural vestiges, denigrated its defense establishment and left a bankrupt
country to the vagaries of an ill fated future.
The
power vacuum left by the Derg regime was replaced by an ethnic cabal in the
guise of an alliance with other liberation movements led by the TPLF.
Admittedly, they fought and won the battle on the ground, but they also
abandoned their Marxist leaning for some sort democratic platform that won them
the support of the US and other powers and institutions, without giving up their
ruthless and corrupt governance. They have conceded to the independence of
Eritrea land locking Ethiopia, and transferred a large amount of national
territory to the Sudan. With the preceding nationalization the ownership of the
land having passed to the state, millions of acres of prime land are sold to foreign investors
on concessionary terms. Under the governing tribal oligarchy all economic and
financial institutions are owned and controlled by the regime through state or
party owned corporations and affiliates. Large infrastructure projects such as
dams, railroad, highways, industrial and agricultural projects have been
undertaken through international, bilateral loans and private investments. Depending on the source the Ethiopian
economic development has risen from six to ten percent a year in the last
decade, resulting in huge disparity of income, that leaves the ninety-eight
percent of the people in retched poverty, and endows Ethiopia with the highest
brain drain in the world. Debt servicing has also risen over $1.2 Billion per year, in addition to capital evasion
that amounts to more than $20 Billion since 2004. Corruption and malfeasance at
all levels of governance are the modus operandi of the regime; with the
extensive political and financial support of the US the EU and sundry
“democratic” countries.
Presently, we have entered a New Year 2007 EC and a new national election
is to be held in a few months, most probably with the same concocted results as
the preceding one in 2009 when the TPLF/EPRDF won by 99.6 percent. On this
occasion the regime says barefacedly to have spent some 900 million Birr from
the national budget to promote its own election, at the expense of the public.
However, due to the general disappointment, particularly with donor countries,
that its loutish and coercive
governance is causing, and fearing that the growing opposition might turn
violent, the regime may be pressured to make some nominal political space to
affiliated parties, while maintaining the monopoly of power until the next
election in 2012 EC. The emergence of a burgeoning middle class seeking to
maintain its status in a stable and lawful political system, plus foreign
elements wanting security for their investments, may induce the regime to give
some space to some selected parties. Nevertheless, in spite all the political
gerrymandering, sooner or later the failure of the deficient regime is
inevitable.
The
question is what bodes for our country after the present tribal clique will lose
powers in one way or another? Is it
going to be a tribal battle ground
by parties contending for power of some kind? Or even separation? Or, a
most likely outcome, another civil-cum-military dictatorship will replace the
present oligarchy? Where are the
Ethiopian people in all this tumult played over their destiny? What do the
powerless multitude of the opposition factions promise? Will it be another
half-backed compromise under the macabre dance of peaceful struggle, or
political reconciliations over the head of the real stake holders, the people of
Ethiopia?
The
following is a personal comment for those indulging in the Politics of our
country; it should not be construed as a self promotion. Given my age, I am
quite conscious my own limitations, I merely want to impart my views about the
future politics of our country. This message is mainly addressed to the young
generation; it does not exclude the veterans of our political melee, but for
those with an unsavory past as high officials of the delinquent Derg regime.
After all politics are implemented by people, its success or failures are
measured by their integrity and irreproachable demeanors in office.
When in 1948 we joined the UN forces in
the Korean conflict, the standard of living of the Korean people at that time
was not better than our own, the same could be said of China’s after the
traumatic ordeal of the cultural revolution. When I visited Panama in 1949, but
for the American Base and some official sites, the city was a slum with a couple
of hotels and sundry shops, today Panama rates with 61% of wellbeing on a world
scale. While these countries and others around the world have achieved a high
degree of development, why have we failed?
is a legitimate question to ask ourselves?
Ethiopia is a great country whose history dates from ancient times, our
land is varied and rich that contains large natural resources of all kinds, from
agriculture to minerals, and abundant water and energy potentials. The Ethiopian
people are intelligent, courageous, cultured and diligent in all endeavors.
Their social mores and moral values are second to none. With all this spiritual
and material wealth in our hands, shouldn’t we have achieved higher standards of
wellbeing for our people? Why have we become a swarm of terrorized and servile
citizens deprived of their birthright in their own country? Ethnic and cultural
divisions have been imposed on us by the point of the gun, creating disharmony
and animosity amongst people. It is time to say NO to this unjust and abusive
rule.
The
remedy for this sad situation is a national democratic political movement
genuinely geared towards restoring freedom and justice to the people of
Ethiopia. It is not ideas and methods that are lacking, a plethora of political
programs have been pronounced by many parties; most of them advocating
democratic principles in their own terms. However, personal rivalry and
diverging objectives that prevail amongst leaders, has impeached the formation
of a united national front. Consequently, no party has been able to establish a
constituency large enough to play a leading political role. The only successful
political coalition was Kinijit, whose winning a popular majority was revoked
forcibly by the regime. Kinijit’s ambivalent leadership was also instrumental
for its demise.
Assuming that the regime will remain in power for the next five years, I
believe that the opposition must belong to the young generation whose future is
at stake. They would have the contemporary vision and the energy to regenerate
and build a new Ethiopia. In fact
this is already occurring in the country where the youth have already taken the
vanguard of the democratic movement as exemplified by Skender Nega, Andulam
Arage, Reeyot Alemu, “group9” bloggers, and scores of journalists and activists,
the Semayawi Party and countless others that are persecuted and imprisoned
around the country. What they need a strong support from all elements of the
society, particularly from the community in the Diaspora that enjoys freedom of
action with abundant human and material resources.
Unfortunately the opposition parties in the Diaspora are fragmented and
the leadership still tied up to defunct notions and groups, that do not reflect
the present realities in Ethiopia. Neither have they have been a convincing
voice to influence the foreign affairs establishments of relevant countries.
Aspiring for power over ninety million people from ten thousand miles away seems
to border the fantastic, internally Ethiopia is not lacking of talented people.
I believe that the youth in the Diaspora should organize itself into an
effective and credible pro-democratic movement representing legitimate parties
at home, instead of wasting time in useless pal-talk and sundry internet
debates.
It is
time to open a new page of Ethiopian history.
Imru
Zelleke
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