Crocodile tears for oneself

2005 (Ethiopian Calendar Zemene Matteos) has been dramatically eventful.  Almost a year ago with the former PM passing away we have witnessed the most extraordinary spectacle of ordered, organized and enforced mass hysteria ever seen in our poor land. In the reverse sense it is comparable to the extraordinary edict of the Derg prohibiting any wake keeping, crying and holding funeral ceremony for the people it murdered and buried in mass graves. Thus, under the pseudo-Marxist regime to cry for your dead was an anti-revolutionary act, while under the pseudo-democratic TPLF regime mass demonstration of sorrow, crying and self flagellation is an obligatory pseudo-liberal-capitalist-democratic conduct.

In our long history self-respect and honor had been principal characteristics of our national ethos. However, these recent developments have been the most self humiliating and self demeaning acts that have ever been inflicted on our people. Even the Italian occupation did not impose such break down of our spirit, the patriotic forces fought the enemy until final victory. In the following years we rebuilt the nation to a point where we reached a take-off point, that unfortunately took the wrong turn.  Thanks to the great revolution that was supposed to bring equality, wellbeing and happiness in a just world, the Ethiopian people have been subject to the worst abuse and political slavery for the past four decades, which culminated in this sad tragicomedy of enforced mass crying. Not that there was democratic freedom during the preceding monarchies, at least there were moral canons derived from Christian ethics that defined the rule of the Monarch. Espousing half-baked modernity has deprived us of any kind of individual freedom, more than any previous era. Our well-being is simply quantified by statistical numbers and not by the freedom of our spirit. Our happiness is measured by the amount of stuff we consume and by the garbage we produce. Our welfare is gauged by whatever numbers the regimes in power choose to publish, and is convenient to them and foreign bodies. The new moral standard being that so-called economic development supersedes Freedom and Human Rights.

By the same token we are told that Ethiopia has undergone a tremendous economic development of 11 percent a year for the past decade. No mention is made that it has received about 38 billion US dollars in foreign aid plus other 10 or more billion from China, India and other bilateral grants and investments; nor of the 16.5 billion US dollars siphoned out of Ethiopia in the past decade. Yet, the beneficiaries of all this input have been a very small minority composed of the members of the regime and party-cum-state owned businesses and their acolytes. The vast majority of the population, about 95 percent, have been denied all Human Rights including that of property, and rendered vagrant in its ancestral land; reduced to menial labor, and pariah to state whims and edicts. Cronyism, nepotism, pervasive corruption at all levels, inefficiency and waste have been the trade mark of the governing regimes. Millions of people depend on food aid and many still die of starvation. With all that money pouring into the country, supported by the huge presence of foreign nationals as aid personnel, investors and other functions, it is not surprising that large infrastructure works, industries, and agricultural concessions have nominally boosted the economic development to the highly inflated figures of 11% growth of GDP claimed by the regime. The question is whether the vast majority of the Ethiopian people are the beneficiaries of all this development, or whether it benefits only the members of the regime, their party affiliates and foreign acolytes, which has been the real case. 

In spite of all odds and hue and cry of the opposition in the Diaspora, that for implausible reasons hopes to gain power someday, the situation in the country seems to be normal. In fact the regime has been successful in projecting the image of a real multi ethnic governance. Just as the commanded mass crying, I assume that the new triumvirate (the two kililites + TPLF), will soon order a multi-ethnic mass laughter. The new Premier has declared that it will be a collegial leadership and not a one man show. Which is to be expected, because I find it improbable that the TPLF, holding major control over all sectors, will relinquish power so easily, nor do the two newcomers have the experience and the political clout to make fundamental policy changes.

Nevertheless, two new elements have been introduced on the political scene. First, at least in appearance, a new team composed of non-Tigreans has come to the forefront of the leadership, and second some rift has appeared amongst the core leadership of the TPLF. However, none of these factors have shown any change in the behavior of the regime so far. The promotions made in the military in the absence of a Head of government and the mere blessing of the putative President, is a clear indication that the real power still remains with the TPLF leadership.   

As to the prevailing mood in the country, the exaggerated funeral proceedings, has probably embittered further the mood of the people, who are largely opposed to the regime. Particularly, in view of the many social, economic and especially political trends that are developing in the country. There is a serious lacuna within the political dialogue, if not a generational incongruity. With a rather bleak view of the opposition from abroad, and not knowing much about the ones in the country, predicting the future has been a hazardous task, particularly since the moribund opposition is still anchored in the failed history of its own making. For its part the regime shows serious ambivalence in some new policies that it seems to be introducing in its governance, like allowing the parliament a more active role, initiating an anti-corruption campaign, permitting political demonstration, yet, at the same time carrying its campaign of arrests and harassment of the opposition. Journalists are arbitrarily jailed, student movements persecuted, and conducting blatant violations of basic human rights, contradicting the image of good governance that it wants to show.

Now comes the surprise, the young generation who have been victimized by the vehement tumults made by  their elders, have risen to take their future destiny in their own hands. The Semayawi (Blue) Party led by the youth, showed a broad popular support with the mass demonstration it made on June 9, 2013.  Their age group representing seventy percent of the population, their movement has the potential of creating a political Tsunami.  Reading some of the statements they made they have shown courage and maturity. I think that the appearance of this new element signifies a new trend in the political dialogue which so far has been stifled by the regimes intransigence to any reform.

The fate of the Ethiopia is still in the hands of its people. In the meantime let’s support the Semayawi Movement.

Imru Zelleke

15 June 2013.

Semayawi Party has Broken the Spell

Thanks to the Semayawi (Blue) Party at last a light has appeared at the end of tunnel that leads to freedom. Those that have to be congratulated the most are the Ethiopian People at large who  responded to the appeal in massive numbers with enthusiasm and dignity. They expressed clearly and without ambiguity their demands and aspirations.

A new phenomenon that gave impetus and dynamism to the movement is the overwhelming participation of the youth including the leadership.  The highest accolades and compliments should be given to Engineer Yelikal Getinet and his colleagues for their courageous and exemplary leadership. They have overcome the negative paradigm of divisions and contentions that has so far infected the opposition factions, and appealed directly to the people. In fact it is time for the younger generation to take over the helm of the opposition; it is their future that is at stake. The elderly generation can give advice and share their experience, because the past is an essential element to understand the pre-existing conditions and to build the future on solid foundations.

This new advent on the political scene opens new challenges and pitfalls presaging critical events and conditions that must be met with clarity and absolute determination. I humbly suggest the following:

a.     We should give up the notion of a “united” action. For the past forty years we have heard the word “unity, union, united etc.” that it has lost its meaning, and has become to mean to do nothing in unison, as the popular dictum “a committee is a gathering of people who cannot do anything by themselves, who together decide to do nothing”.  A plethora of parties with constituencies hardly worth mentioning are more of a hindrance than a positive element. What is needed is a determined and genuinely patriotic group to leads the struggle for freedom. Semayawi Party has taken the lead with undeniable action let’s support them.

b.     If the regime had a modicum desire to reform its governance, the current development would have been a good opportunity, unfortunately its reaction are negative and as usual consisting of intimidations and false accusations. As mass arrests and killings are likely to ferment further public anger, we have to look at what they could create to divert popular opinion and secure their survival such as: 1) one way would be to use as sacrificial lambs some the old honchos like Sebhat Nega, Azeb Mesfin and a few others for corruption; open some business space for loyal fellow travelers; and release some prisoners. 2) a second way is to ignite some conflict with Eritrea or another neighbor in order to inflame the patriotism of the masses; 3) a third way is to cause internecine conflicts and implement more coercive measures to impose their rule by share force.

c.     Don’t expect any help from foreign sources; they have what they perceive as their national interest to maintain as long as things remain stable as they are momentarily. It is up to us to change conditions in our own country, and not by foreign forces. 

d.     The Semayawi Party and the parties who join them must be prepared to face these challenges with appropriately designed strategies and tactics, giving serious consideration to the strength and weakness of the regime, the foreign support and effective political and economic role, the present social and economic conditions, the dysfunctional federal structure imposed on the country, human rights, the rule of law and many other important matters.

e.     The Diaspora could play an important role in providing professional and financial support to the movement inside the country.

 I recommend that such support group be formed by all concerned, according to our capabilities and means at our disposal, without delving into partisanship and the like. 

Let’s do it !!!

June 3, 2013

Imru Zelleke

Parallels in times

PARALLELS IN TIMES

January 2013.

Watching TV last night I saw the Governor of New Jersey (R) and politicians of New York protesting vehemently over the delay to provide disaster relief for the victims of the storm that occurred two months ago.  The Republican dominated House, busy haggling over the fiscal cliff, had forgotten or delayed voting for the appropriation. Eventually it did so at the last minute by voting for a small portion of it, leaving the matter for future bickering. Thousands of people are homeless and with no power, no water and without help in this bitter winter. In fact a few days after the storm the matter was set aside, the media had stopped talking about it. The game of outguessing each other by pundits and alike about who would jump over the cliff was in vogue, while human suffering was not forgotten but neglected.   

This reminded me of the famine that occurred in Ethiopia forty years ago. The foreign press went wild about it, a gamut of artists, entertainers, organizations were mobilized, and songs were written for it. In the domestic scene the Emperor and his government were blamed and accused for it. Like the present “cliff” in the US, the government was suffering from an internal crisis of enfeebled leadership. There was sufficient food and resources in the country to meet the crisis and quell the famine. Unfortunately, the government had become dysfunctional and subject to intrigues and power struggle amongst individuals and groups. The famine added to the general public dissatisfaction became a catalyst for the revolution; that ended up with a most violent loss of life and breakup of the nation’s spirit that has lasted to present days.

The parallel comes to mind when considering the conditions and times that such crisis happens. On one side we have a poor and backward country Ethiopia that could not handle a famine, although it had the means to do so, because of politics. On the other hand forty years later we have the most powerful, the richest and most advanced nation in the world failing to help its own citizens, because of politics. However disproportionate the comparison, the common denominator being the failure of politics and of human society.

Happy  New Year.

IZ

Human Rights Day

10 December 2012,  Human Rights Day

I participated in the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,  as a young diplomat, member of the Ethiopian Delegation to the UN General Assembly and witnessed its adoption on 10 December 1948. I was sitting in the Third Committee for Social and Economic Affairs. 

Mrs  Elenor Roosvelt and Mrs Nehru were the principal actors in the deliberations on the Charter. 



Having worked closely with Mrs Roosevelt, she invited my then wife, Martha Nassibou and I and a Mexican Delegate to a private dinner. She also invited all the Third Committee members to a luncheon in their family estate in  Hyde Park, New York.

Martha Nassibou, Eleanor Roosevelt and UN diplomats at Roosevelt House, Hyde Park, New York

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the most idealistic and noble principle and international rule that the UN has produced. Despite many challenges it has now come into its real and universal implementation, not only at the level of States but accessible and inforceable for individual victims.

With the theme MY VOICE COUNTS   this year the UN has placed the " spotlight on the rights of all people — women, youth, minorities, persons with disabilities, indigenous people, the poor and marginalized — to make their voices heard in public life and be included in political decision-making." 

It is extremely relevant at this historical time when ordinary people are standing up, at the risk of their lives, for their political rights in countries where freedom of speech and choice have been stifled for so long.

We have come a long way and the Declaration of Human Rights guides us still towards the attainment of justice and the development of peaceful societies.

Open Letter to President Barack Obama

OPEN LETTER

The Hon. Barack H. Obama
President of the United States of America

The White House

Washington DC

November 29, 2012

Mister President,

In view of your long standing concern for Human Rights, the Rule of Law and the profound inequities prevailing around the World, I would like to bring to your attention the terrible plight of human and social economic conditions in Ethiopia.

The US State Department Human Rights 2011 report on Ethiopia states:  

“Human rights abuses reported during the year included unlawful killings, torture, beating, and abuse and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, especially special police and local militias, which took aggressive or violent action with evident impunity in numerous instances; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens' privacy rights, including illegal searches; use of excessive force by security services in counterinsurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of speech and of the press; arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists; restrictions on freedom of assembly and association; restrictions on freedom of movement; ruling party intimidation, threats, and violence during the elections; police, administrative, and judicial corruption; harassment of those who worked for human rights organizations; violence and societal discrimination against women and abuse of children; female genital mutilation (FGM); exploitation of children for economic and sexual purposes; trafficking in persons; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities and religious and ethnic minorities; forced labor and child labor; and government interference in union activities.” 

The Ethiopian Human Rights Council, Amnesty International, Genocide Watch and many other reputable organizations have reported irrefutably of these crimes.  Since then and even after the change of leadership these conditions have not changed.  In fact they have worsened due to the progressive faltering authority of the regime and growing discontent amongst the population. Coercive measures that pit ethnic, religious and cultural communities against each other are being deliberately carried out by interfering in their organizations and practices. For instance, Muslim communities are being harassed; their members arrested and persecuted.

Although some degree of economic development has been recorded, Ethiopia is still amongst the poorest countries in the World according the Human Development Index (HDI). The economy is largely dependent on foreign aid, and its development has caused enormous disparities of income and social disarray in a country where 98 percent of the people subsist on less than one dollar a day. Ethiopians have no rights to own property and are denied all fundamental legal rights and freedoms. The regime has total control of the economy and is in possession of all physical and material resources. The population on the whole is marginalized and confined to performing cheap labor and to other demeaning functions.  Moreover, thousands have been displaced forcibly from their ancestral lands and made vagrant, to make space for foreign investors and associates of the regime. The dislocation of several million people from their land has been the cause of an immeasurable tragedy, social disarray and death. As reported by many institutions and NGO’s, populations dislocated from the Omo Valley, Gambela, Gura Ferda, Ogaden, Beny Shangul-Gumuz, Afar, Amhara regions are left without resources and means of survival.  Corruption, nepotism, cronyism, mismanagement and inefficiency prevail over public affairs. 

Mister President,

American and Ethiopian relations date back over a century, during which they have developed and their relationships have flourished to the advantage of both nations. In the international arena, Ethiopia has stood with the US in matters of common concern, and in promoting peace and stability in the world. The US has been a major provider of financial and technical to Ethiopia particularly in giving food aid during famines as well as supporting Ethiopia’s demands from international financial institutions. At the individual level our community in America has grown exponentially, now going into second and third generations of Ethio-Americans.  Unlike previous patterns of migration, thanks to modern advances of science and technology, as well as the globalization of world affairs, our relations and contacts with the homeland are close and frequent, hence strengthening further the relations of both countries and giving us a well-informed insight about events and critical developments in Ethiopia.

In spite of the bad governance and criminal misdeeds perpetrated by the dictatorial regime on its own population, the United States has been providing political support and substantial economic development aid to Ethiopia, particularly in support of the anti-terrorist campaign that is being conducted in Somalia, the Horn and in Yemen. This US policy has created consternation amongst the great majority of the population that wonders why the US is supporting a regime that acts contrary to the basic values and principles that are fundamental for the US itself.  The majority of opposition parties and the public do not support terrorism in any form, nor have they expressed any demonstrable anti-American sentiments. To the contrary their demands are for freedom and justice and a freely elected democratic form of government, which are legitimate claims that the US should promote and support, morally and actively. Suggestions that a political space be made for the opposition parties is tantamount to condemn them and the population they represent to a permanent minority status to the rule of an ethnic cabal, and make them surrender to a rule of violence and terror. 

Mister President,

The best formula to stabilize Ethiopia and avoid future crisis is to hold free and fair  elections. Considering that a political landscape with 90 or more political parties with their sundry demands appears to be difficult and unmanageable, an equitable solution to these problems can be reached with good will and determination. The different Ethiopian ethnicities have lived and interacted together for a very long time. But for a few extremist factions the vast majority of the population is amenable to reasonable arrangements that guarantee their freedoms and their various rights under a democratic system of government.

The Horn of Africa and its geopolitical sphere, of which Ethiopia is a main component, is of major strategic interest for security and peace of the region, for Africa and the world.  Therefore, it is incumbent for the United States to promote vigorously and actively the installation of a genuine democratic system of governance in Ethiopia and the region, and pre-empt unnecessary turmoil in the future. So far US policy has been mostly focused on security matters and to a lesser degree on Human Rights and the Rule of Law which are fundamental for a democratic and free nation.  I believe that the present political situation in Ethiopia offers a good opportunity for the US to promote and support actively the democratization process. It is the fervent hope of millions of Ethiopians that, during this second tenure of your Presidency, the US endeavor in Ethiopia will be conducive to legitimate democratic governance.

Respectfully

Imru Zelleke

(Ambassador of Ethiopia, Ret.)

CC:

The. Hon. Hillary R. Clinton

US Secretary of State

The Hon. John Kerry

Chairman,

Senate Foreign Relations Committee

The Hon. Christopher H. Smith

Chairman,

House, Sub-Committee for Africa

A Call for a Fresh Pan-African Dialogue - An appeal to the Young Generation

What prompts me to write this appeal to the younger generation is a statement I read in the Journal of Ethiopian Students Association International, March 2002, in which I found some telling confusion and contradictions. I understand perfectly the reasons for which the Association wishes to maintain a neutral position with regard to existing political organizations.  I myself and many others are not members of any political party.  However, this does not mean that we have no opinions about all sorts of issues regarding our country, and that we do not advocate reforms and changes which we believe are essential for the well being of the people and the orderly development of the country.  In the final analysis, such issues are intimately involved in the politics and the governance of the nation.

To quote some parts of the statement: “This means that we would have to stand against actions that directly violate the well being of our country and the people…The focal point of our statement is that we boldly claim to be the future leaders of Ethiopia. We are her protectors, builders and caregivers.” These are manifestly noble and great aspirations. However, whether they can be accomplished outside of the political process is highly doubtful.

The Urgent Need for a Common Vision

What is needed presently and for the future, whatever political party comes to power, is a basic framework that establishes unequivocally the equal rights of all citizens without prejudice about their gender, age, language, ethnicity and personality.  This vision is naturally embodied in a Bill of Rights or a Citizen’s Charter.

With this in view, I am tabling herewith a draft entitled Ethiopian Citizens’ National Charter (Ye’Etyopia’wian Ye’zeginnet Mebit’enna-Gidetta Ti’rri) prepared by Dr. Berhanu Abegaz  for consideration by all compatriots.  This is a charter that puts the focus squarely on citizens who are ultimately the guarantors and beneficiaries of free Ethiopian citizenship. It should be agreeable to all factions irrespective of their social, ethnic and political credo, as it is aimed to guarantee a level field of action and inclusive participation in national life for all people.

I am inviting all concerned Ethiopians, whoever you are and wherever you may be, to analyze it, make your amendments and suggestions so that we can together establish a shared vision that would serve as a foundation for our nation’s renaissance. I appeal particularly to the younger generation to take up this Charter as their cause because once people’s rights become the basic tenets our civic and political life, peace and stability will be secured for the present and for the future.

I believe that a national dialogue amongst all political and civic organizations must also proceed concomitantly.  A consensus on fundamentals that is based and a common  understanding  of the challenges facing our country is bound to generate the cooperative spirit  necessary to galvanize us all into constructive action.

The Need to Debate Our Future Instead of Just Our Past

I would, therefore, like to clarify certain important points that must be clearly understood before entering into a constructive dialogue:

First of all, we have to realize that we are living today in 2002 and not one hundred, or fifty years or even ten years ago.  Today the world political context has changed radically.  We are moving inexorably towards a globalization of world affairs be they political or economic.  The trend in Africa is for Unity and regional integration, which have become unavoidable, if rapid and effective solutions are to be found for our under-development.

Secondly, we have to admit that we Ethiopians are at the lowest level of any aspect of political and economic development, and that our people are going through endless spiritual and physical suffering.

Thirdly, our problems are common to all, and it is only by pooling all our human and material resources that we can give a chance of survival and a better life to our people.

Lastly, we must admit that all this politicking is at the expense of the people who are the ultimate victims of these terrible vicissitudes. Admittedly, abuses have been committed in the past. No one can claim to be innocent of such deeds, and base one’s history on selective memories. Once these facts are established, we can discuss with a clear mind and find solutions to our serious problems.

Yes, there have been crimes and abuses committed on each other. Nobody can claim to be innocent of many misdeeds. Some factions claim that the history of Ethiopia began only a century ago.  Most Ethiopians rightly have a much longer memory, maybe of thousands of years long, in which the Beja, the Tigre, the Agaw, the Afars/Somali, the Amara and the Oromo  have taken turns in  imposing their hegemony on the far-flung peoples of Ethiopia.

It is also sobering to note that none of them did introduce the Magna Carta, the Napoleonic Code or the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They plundered, killed, burned and violated every ethnic group in imposing their rule. Notwithstanding these clashes, there has been a process of mutual acculturation and physical assimilation, within which the groups have been inter-acting, and incorporating with each other.

Eventually, they came to terms and managed to live mostly in peace as one nation and one people, profoundly conscious of their common experience. What was unique about our history has been our capacity to absorb each other genetically, politically, economically and culturally. What distinguishes the Amara culture is not merely a matter of language and customs, but rather its capacity of assimilation and its pandemic character in the Ethiopian context.

For centuries most of the Ethiopian Royal houses and the ruling classes have  had Oromo and other ethnic lineage. Weren’t many of Ethiopia’s great leaders and patriots Oromos and of other tribes? Aren’t the majority Ethiopians of mixed ethnicity today in our country? (Names like Berento, Lentcha and Gobena are part of my own ancestry). Who is to deny them their identity as Ethiopians and their right to live and toil in their own motherland?  Now! Do we have to go back and make this generation of Ethiopians pay for all the crimes committed in the past? Can we afford renewed internecine conflicts and bloodshed? For what gain and for whose benefit?  When the rest of the world is converging towards unity and integration, are we going towards to dismemberment and disunity?

Where Do We Go from Here?

The people in Ethiopia have demonstrated more than once that they don’t care about the ethnic and racist politics introduced by the TPLF. For instance EDP (Ethiopian Democratic Party) has shown clearly, the great appeal that a straightforward Pan-Ethiopian political platform has amongst the general population. Therefore, political groups aspiring to power should base their claims on democratic programs beneficial to all the people of Ethiopia and not on ethnic or religious bigotry that is supported by the barrel of a gun.  We have had enough of that with TPLF and company.

The terrible poverty and wretchedness of our people have shown irrefutably the necessity of common action:

a)        to overcome these miserable conditions, and
b)  that no single entity can do it by itself.

Hence, shouldn’t our own unity come first, in order to give some real solutions and some real benefits to our people?

We all agree on a democratic system of government, and to all the perquisites of  democratic governance including one person one vote.  Therefore, the political parties that claim to have the largest following have all the voting power they need to protect their own interests. Those that may have to worry, and for whom a constitutional provisions to protect their rights should be made, are the minority groups who risk to confront a permanent majority formed by the large political groups.

Therefore, our future actions should be:

Form a national coalition on agreed principles to install a legitimate democratic state,
Develop and implement the necessary strategy to change the political regime in Ethiopia and prepare a new constitution, and
Hold  free and fair elections leading to the establishment of properly elected legislature, judiciary  and executive branches.

This formula should be acceptable to any group with a modicum of good will and genuine regard for the welfare of ALL the people of Ethiopia.  Neither the Parties  who claim to have a large following of the population nor those purporting to represent small minorities should have anything to fear from such a procedure.

I hope to be excused for the bluntness of my statement.  The terrible predicaments that our people are subjected to are homegrown and mostly self-inflicted.  Even a minimum improvement in their standard of living of the people, would be an enormous achievement, which no political flag waving can accomplish.  Ignorance, disease, poverty, environmental decay, inefficient and corrupt governance are battering our people and the land.  The future might look rosy for those few who have, but for ninety-eight percent of those others, life is bleak, hopeless and divested of human dignity. Neither our people nor the country deserve this demeaning fate. The issue now is to reconstruct our country.

We must stop using past tragedies as terms of reference for the future.  What we are facing today is a matter of survival. We don’t have the time and the energy to waste on marginal and unproductive issues.  The challenge is to build a modern civil society, wherein all citizens have their rights respected and in which they can toil and live freely in equality, peace and harmony. It is only under these conditions that all the citizens can develop fully their creativity and their potential to build a dynamic and prosperous society.  This has been made even easier in our times because of the new advances in science and technology.  We might not solve all the problems at once because they are of monumental proportions, but we can make a good and positive start.  We owe it to all the people of our country.

I appeal particularly to the young generation because you are the leaders of tomorrow. Your sacred mission is to save Ethiopia and make of it the land of great and well-to-do people that it should be, and can be.  Ethiopia is a rich country; it’s natural resources are barely exploited; it’s human resources are abundant; and  it offers a tremendous and exciting challenges for those who have the vision and fortitude to undertake such noble and exhilarating endeavor.  The greater our ambition and the clearer our vision, the more formidable will be our achievements.  Thank you.


Amb. Imru Zelleke

Washington, D.C.
June 12, 2002